

By John Helmer, Moscow
@bears_with
These are the pressing questions of the Russian moment:
Can President Vladimir Putin defend Russia from the escalating US-European war and at the same time preserve the oligarch economy at home?
Is there a combination of military escalation, including Oreshnik strikes on NATO territorial targets, with or without nuclear warheads, and business as usual in Moscow which Putin can decide and launch by surprise on E-Day (Escalation Day)?
Whose fault would it be if the answers to these questions happen to be Marxist (1st lead image)?
“It’s not my fault if reality is Marxist” – that was the line attributed to the late Che Guevara (2nd lead image), by the late Jean-Paul Sartre in 1960. It was revived by the late Michael Parenti in 2006.
It’s not the fault of President Donald Trump (3rd lead image) that the war against Russia which he is directing is Marxist; and that the reality he is aiming to impose on Russia is more Marxist than Putin, the Russian oligarchs on whom he depends, and the podcasters supporting him from the University of Chicago, the CIA, and the US Army will acknowledge and allow.
Whose Marxist reality is proving to be more, er, realistic?
If you answer the first two questions with this third one, then you are about to realize that Putin cannot, will not, escalate his warfighting operations on the Ukrainian battlefield, on the high seas, or on NATO territory, for fear of starting a revolution at home that will destroy the economic base, the oligarchy, which put him in power in 2000; kept him in power since then; and keeps him and his successors secure for the foreseeable future.
The American and NATO Marxist warfighters understand this very well. Their Marxism comes out of the barrel of the gun, they are sure. Their war is a gun Trump has forced the NATO allies to pay him to supply, so that he and they can fire it from the Ukraine – no matter how few Ukrainians can be press-ganged to man the front lines and survive the Russian advance westward. They just signed the papers to provide $70 billion of this firepower and manpower for this year of the war, another $70 billion of it for next year.
They are aiming at production, supply, and trade of the Russian fuel and energy sector and of the farm sector; at raising the cost in state budget financing for defence; at lowering the profits of the bank sector; at threatening Russian lives from the drones in the sky above and from the mobilization of men to the front.
The aim is Marxist: to force a Russian revolution in the economic base which will trigger –they hope, plan, expect – either “fragmentation of Russia [with] a struggle over the nuclear arsenal, resources, borders and history”, or “Russia to become a fortress: closed, mobilised, in permanent siege.” That’s civil war or Stalin war, according to Andrei Melnichenko, the fertilizer and coal oligarch in a warning published in London last week.
Putin has replied by summoning Vladimir Potanin, the nickel oligarch and co-founder of the loans-for-shares scheme which launched the Russian oligarchy in 1996. “Vladimir Olegovich,” Putin asked Potanin, according to the Kremlin communiqué, “you have a lot of areas of work in general, but in the main, how does the company feel?” What followed in the communiqué was a prepared script on Norilsk Nickel.
What Putin really was asking was how the Russian oligarchs feel on the warfighting options now, before Putin must respond to the General Staff’s options plan for E-Day. More than that, Putin was signaling through Potanin, not through Melnichenko, that he will restrict his escalation operations to those which the oligarchs accept. He was telling Potanin he will not risk their economic base to defeat Trump and the Europeans.
That’s Marxist reality for you.
Click to listen to the questions and the answers in today’s discussion with Chris Cook on Gorilla Radio of Canada.






















